NAMA

The Banks lied to NAMA?

If the banks lied to NAMA the lies would have been ineffectual. NAMA was mandated to buy loans from the banks above market value. Almost any “value” put on these “distressed assets” since the formation of NAMA would have been above market value.

This was calculated to assist the banks. After all, the banks discarded the loans and the incipient responsibility for the assets securing the loans. Instead, they had money or money’s worth.

What possible lie could a banker tell NAMA that NAMA and the Government had not already slipped over on the public?

NAMA, once again

There is general agreement that Ireland and interested persons should know what the cost of the Bank Bailout is going to be.

The Government reputedly delegated that task to the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator. The Taoiseach told the Dail on 29th September 2010, (in relation to the portion attributable to Anglo Irish Bank):

“That figure is not yet available to us from the Financial Regulator. It is being conducted at the moment and work is being finalised on it. As soon as the figure is communicated to us it will be provided.”

Remarkably, the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator were in their turn, dependant on NAMA for information. The Regulator has reportedly said;

“Its estimate was based on advice from the National Asset Management Agency on how much it will pay Anglo Irish Bank for the loans it is taking on.”

Now, given the exercise, this missed the point. NAMA is about the price of loans, not the cost of the Bailout. We can only know the cost of the Bailout if we know the value of the NAMA loans, (not the price of the loans).

NAMA’s purpose is to defer the fixing of the valuation of the loans as long as possible. It claims that it is paying prices reflecting “long term economic value”. This is an admission, of course, that the loans are not currently worth NAMA’s estimate.

Long after the Government has left office we will learn the real value of NAMA’s “assets”. So, too, will the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator. Only then will the cost of the Bank Bailout be known.

The Government devised NAMA. It has designated NAMA as exempt from Freedom of Information legislation. When this writer asked for information on the agreement between the Government and the Commission of the EU on the NAMA loan pricing mechanisms, the information was refused.

Everything of relevance in the possession of NAMA is a secret.

Some things are not secret. Calculatedly, NAMA is paying prices for bank loans which are in excess of current value.

According to the Minister for Finance, speaking on RTE on the night of 30th September 2010, NAMA has gone into the banks and revealed the truth of their finances to the Government. That, if we believe him, implies that NAMA and the Government know the value of the NAMA loans. (Not just the price NAMA has paid or will pay). That is the implication because the context is the focus on the cost of the Bailout, not the nominal current price.

So, the real repository of information on the cost of the bank Bailout is the Government, through its proxy, NAMA.

Why bother with the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator to deliver the number?

The Way We Are Now

1. NAMA was set up by the Government expressly for the purposes of paying the “long-term economic value” for bank assets.

2. “Long-term economic value” (“LTEV”) was a notion supplied to the Government by the Commission of the European Union. This writer cannot say from where the Commission derived it, but it is possible the Commission is not “wedded” to the notion, unlike the Irish Government.

3. In the context of the establishment of NAMA, it was insinuated that LTEV was, and is, in excess of current market value. Strictly, nobody can say what current market value of bank assets are; there has been no functioning market for them for some time and the Government has imposed a secrecy blanket on possible sources of information on the point.

4. Nonetheless, some assets have been assigned current market value; this happened in Irish High Court proceedings. Those values showed a 70%- 80% fall in the value of property-based bank assets.

5. The tranfer of bank assets to NAMA, therefore, was expressly in defiance of the actual value of those assets. The price to be paid was a political decision made before NAMA was established.

6. It is a lie, consequently, to say that the banks misled NAMA. It is the people of Ireland who have been misled.

More on NAMA

Readers of this blog may recall a Freedom of Information request to the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance for details of the discussion between the Government and the EU Commission relating to the price at which Irish bank assets would transfer into NAMA. That information was never furnished.
It is no surprise, therefore that NAMA has claimed exemption from complying with any Freedom of Information requests.
There is a possibility for some information leakage, however. J K Galbraith records, of German hyperinflation of the early 1920s, in Money: Whence it Came, Where it Went, (A. Deutsch, London, 1975, p. 157):-

“’Zero stroke’ or ‘cipher stroke’ is the name created by German physicians for a prevelent nervous malady brought about by the present fantastic currency figures. Scores of cases of the ‘stroke’ are reported among men and women of all classes, who have been prostrated by their efforts to figure in thousands of millions. Many of these persons apparently are normal except for a desire to write endless rows of ciphers.”

“Ciphers”, here, are zeros.
Now, if we camp outside NAMA HQ, we can check for sick people staggering from the office and possibly relate the number of the sick to the destruction of the Irish economy.

NAMA’S Rates Bill

Under Section 15 (3) of the Valuation Act 2001 State property is not rateable. Consequently, there is no obligation to pay rates on such property.

The Section reads:

“Subject to section 16 , relevant property, being a building or part of a building, land or a waterway or a harbour directly occupied by the State (including any land or building occupied by any Department or office of State, the Defence Forces or the Garda Síochána or used as a prison or place of detention), shall not be rateable.”

We have not heard (it’s early days) what proportion of the property taken by NAMA from the banks is now occupied by NAMA.

We need answers to some questions:

Is NAMA “the State”?

What does “occupied” mean?

A lot of money hangs on those questions.

Voodoo Economics

It is difficult to know where to begin to decry what is happening in the Commission of the European Union. I am referring to the review of the National Asset Management Agency (“NAMA”) by the Commission. A good point of departure is that we do not know what is happening there. The Commission makes no (perceptible) effort to tell us and our Government likewise tells us nothing [useful].

The missing information is of economics [and consequent policies] following the disastrous property bubble here in Ireland. That bubble has caused havoc with the economy; it has driven unemployment upwards; it has destroyed pension plans; it has blighted the work prospects or careers of many young people.

Let’s start with something most people did not know; at least two of Ireland’s banks were and are too big to fail. That innocent phrase implies that we the citizens are to those banks as one conjoined twin is to another. We risk death if the bank expires, it is implied.

If true, how did we permit such a relationship with a private institution?

Leave all that aside. What should we do to “save” the banks?

The Government’s plan is NAMA. That plan is flawed. It has been changed more than once. We know that it has been mis-sold to the citizens of Ireland by the Government; it claimed the purpose of NAMA was to facilitate lending by the Banks to businesses. That is not true and never was, to the knowledge of the Government.

Now the plan is under consideration by the EU Commission. Specifically it is being considered by Joaquin Almunia the new Commissioner for Competition. He is in fact not all that new; he used to be Commissioner for Economics and Monetary policy. The bad news is, he is not good at his job. He failed to spot the Greek crisis that has hit the EU with the force of a runaway train; it was his job to see that problem. Instead he was in Dublin, cheerleading for the Government where he publicly endorsed NAMA. We learned his communication skills tend to emulation of an Electromagnetic Pulse.

Of course, no skills are needed if the EU “review” is just for the “optics” of the process. The heart of NAMA dictates that the citizens of Ireland will pay [consciously] way over the odds for the “impaired assets” of the banks. The pseudo words of justification for this are, “long–term economic value”. There is no such thing.

It’s voodoo economics.

Hints have been given by the Government as to the high price they intend to saddle the citizens of Ireland with. If the hints are correct, we are about to agree to pay €54 billion for these “assets”. We know for sure that this is not the value of these assets. What is the value of the assets? We must look to the cases coming before the Commercial Court. On 19th February 2010, in one case alone the asset had fallen in value from €31 million to €600,000 in a period of just over 3 years. The judge remarked that in his opinion, assets had fallen by 70% to 80% in value. He had previously guessed a fall of 50%. In short, the values are still falling. Let’s take the price of €54 billion; assume that is the book value of these bank assets. A fall of 80% would mean they are worth [now] €10.8 billion. If the case of 19th February 2010 represents the full general fall in value, the €54 billion is worth “just” €1.08 billion.

One sometimes thinks that the true home and centre of he European Union is on the heights above Prague and its poet is Franz Kafka, but a better perspective is to realize that some human capacities are not as general as might be thought. Why do we think that Mr. Almunia must be capable? What if the genius of Keynes is like visuospatial ability? People without the capacity do not know of what they are bereft, and those with the capacity cannot conceive of a person who lacks it.

Wake up Joaquin Almunia!

Barmy

The Minister for Transport has suggested that he will require the occupiers of premises adjacent to public footpaths to clear them of snow and ice.

He has also, unfortunately, indicated that the occupier will be exempted (by the Minister) of legal liability arising from that obligation.

Why bother?

If the occupiers are free of consequences for failure, they won’t clear the pavement in the first place.

The Minister’s proposal is not suitable for legislation; it is suitable for a proclamation. He is, in effect, proposing to issue a call to arms, directed to the Nation, enjoining the citizens to embrace goodness and to avoid evil.

(The title to this post comes from one of my Christmas presents; a series of DVDs of episodes of “Jeeves and Wooster”, starring Hugh Laurie as Bertie and Stephen Fry as Jeeves. My particular interest is in the Drones club and its members; it helps to understand current Irish politics by realizing that the Drones are in charge)

(Slippy pavements are not our major problem; NAMA is the big problem).

NAMA “Reform”

Conventionally, to propose a debate is to, impliedly, claim to be reasonable. Calling for a debate overlooks the fact that we cannot, and should not, submit everything to debate; where things are settled and agreed, they should not be opened to examination (and procrastination), unnecessarily. The call may be further invalid (and in bad faith), in not really proposing a debate, but simply using it as an announcement of intended, forced, change.
That’s the reality of the debate proposed by Colm McCarthy, the economist, on compensation for personal injuries.
He, in effect, is proposing to reduce that compensation. His proposal could be ignored if we did not know that he expresses the view of Brian Cowen, the Taoiseach; that is, he expresses the view of the Government.
This is valuable. As a consequence of knowing his connections, we have an insight into the Government’s view of NAMA. Mr. McCarthy has proposed that NAMA be used to process the payment of personal injuries compensation.
Currently, the Government has tunnel vision when it comes to money and payments; it wants to reduce it’s liability to pay them. Imagine our scepticism if Brian Cowen claimed, now, that he wished to be “fair” in proposing, or introducing, a new method of delivering compensation to injured persons. (Consequently, we have Mr. McCarthy flying the kite).
For a long time the Executive has undermined the constitutional principle that the violation of bodily integrity be vindicated.
a) It abolished the use of civil juries to determine liability and quantum in personal injury cases.
b) It has reduced the time within which an injured person must issue proceedings against a wrongdoer, before being statute barred and deprived of the right to be compensated.
c) It has imposed a cumbersome procedure on personal injury claimants by means of the Personal Injuries Assessment Board (“PIAB”) (aka “the Injuries Board”).
d) It has attempted to block access of injured persons to experienced personal injury lawyers.
e) It has introduced intimidatory procedures for Plaintiffs in the personal injury litigation process.
In Ireland, as in the UK, we have formally addressed the necessary, process of reforming our laws.
We have a Law Reform Commission. We have a Committee on Court Practice and Procedure. We have a Constitution Review Group. We have an Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution.
In short, we are not lacking in mechanisms for correcting archaic legal elements.
Now, it seems, we have one, possibly two, more. They are Colm McCarthy, and NAMA.

NAMA 3

The government’s draft NAMA Bill is intended to assist Ireland’s banks in the financial crisis.

The government’s NAMA scheme is itself a form of State Aid and is in breach of Article 87 (3) (b) of the EU Treaty. In principle it is, therefore illegal. The scheme is not currently activated but the effects of the government’s disclosed intentions are manifest in the economy. The Commission has previously found a declaration by a government, to advance State Aid, is a form of State Aid. Complaints about the current consequences of the NAMA plan have been voiced publicly by;

a. The manager of the Park Hotel, Kenmare, Co. Kerry;
b. The Chief Financial officer of ACC Bank;

The government has claimed the origins of the NAMA scheme lie in “advice” from international institutions including the EU Commission, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank.

The attribution of credit to the EU Commission for NAMA is presumed to be a reference to Commission Communication 2009/C 72/01. This Communication was an “easing” of State Aid regulation as applied to bank restructuring.

In fact, the government’s scheme is not in conformity with Commission Communication 2009/C 72/01.

The NAMA scheme is of such a scale as to raise concern about the sustainability of public finances by over-indebtedness. The EU Commission expresses concern that asset relief should not undermine public debt capacity.

The NAMA scheme, far from being limited to the minimum necessary, is extended to the maximum, limited only by the creative skill of the government. Government spokespersons have given indications that the “transfer value” is intended to lie in a range of 66% to 75% of bank book value. The EU Commission mandates that the bank must bear the maximum level of loss. NAMA, as “floated” by government, seeks to reverse this principle.

The government has failed to make public the impact on the [public] balance sheet. No information has emerged from government to show the impact, on public debt, of NAMA.

The government has failed to make public the disclosure of impairments and assessment of eligible banks. This requirement is mandated by the Commission.

The government has disclosed its intention to avoid imposing on the banks the losses associated with impaired assets to the maximum extent. The full measure of bank loss is the difference between current market value and bank book value. The government’s indicated “transfer value” is much closer to book value than market value.

Only Anglo Irish Bank has been wound up or nationalised. The government has failed to evaluate losses or correctly identify losses, as evidenced by the absence of adminstration or nationalisation of any other bank. There is good reason to think some, at least, Irish commercial banks are insolvent. That there is uncertainty on the point is evidence of government default.

The government has failed to disclose details of the daily portfolio values presumably received by the government from the banks. Alternatively, the banks have failed to make such values or disclose them to the government. The Commission mandated this daily exercise for participating banks.

The government has maximised uncertainty about the proper value of of the banks’ assets. The government has consistently refused to declare the “transfer value” it has in mind; it cites the mantra “case by case” to justify this. The Commission expressed the need to make public disclosure of asset values by [the government].

The government has conflated “complex assets” with the impaired assets of Irish banks (the outcome of a real property bubble). The Commission identifies “toxic assets” as the source of most bank asset impairment. Irish banks did not suffer to any appreciable extent from such assets; Irish impaired assets are in the real estate category. These latter are not “complex”. Their values are low due to the bubble bursting and the effects of recession.

The government has ignored the necessity to secure adequate remuneration for the Irish state. The NAMA scheme has no chance of recovering, for the Irish state, the cost of taking the impaired assets from the banks. The Commission mandated the recovery of all losses by the State from the participating banks.

The government has failed to ensure the beneficiary banks bear the losses incurred in the transfer of assets. The Commission’s requirement on the point is expressed in different ways; it says the banks must bear the losses to the maximum and that the State should secure adequate remuneration.

The government has denied the relevance of “market values” for impaired assets and asserts its intention to value impaired assets on a “case by case” basis, without distinguishing between market value and tranfer value and without assigning assets to “baskets”(as explained in Communication 2009/C 72/01). The government has failed to properly examine the value of impaired assets. By deferring the valuation exercise and avoiding transparency it is evading the Commission’s requirements.

The government is intent on setting impaired asset values at too high a level. The assets are predominently real estate assets and the effect of the government action will be similar to the negative experience produced in Japan from a similar cause. The Commission noted the Japanese example in requiring States to avoid such an effect, a frozen real estate market a decade long.

The government has attributed the Irish financial crisis to the collapse of Lehman Bros., rather than to a property bubble. This prevents any proper remedy being applied to Ireland’s public debt and banking crisis.

The government’s NAMA plan exposes Ireland to proceedings by the EU Commission and/or non-participating banks and to claims for damages by those banks and the claw -back of Aid from the participating banks.

At a time when the finances of the State are so badly stretched, Ireland cannot afford this.

NAMA 2

The following letter has been sent to the Taoiseach.
****

Our Ref; EMcG/ Your Ref; 25th August 2009

Taoiseach Brian Cowen TD
Department of the Taoiseach
Government Buildings
Upper Merrion St.
Dublin 2

Re: NAMA

Dear Taoiseach,

I acknowledge receipt of the letter of 20th August 2009, from your Dept. requesting €15.00 from me.

I will send that under separate cover.

However, I protest at the demand; given the documentation I am requesting from you I believe the information in the documentation should have been put into the public domain long ago.

You are reported in the Irish Times as having cited the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund and, possibly, the European Central Bank as having advised the Government (i.e., you) to adopt the NAMA solution to Ireland’s financial woes.

The first intimation of such a claim came from the Department of Finance and referred only to the European Commission.

Those EU “consents” are, ostensibly, in accordance with the “three ts” — “temporary, timely and targeted”, all of which are a requirement of the EU for State Aid to financial institutions currently in trouble. Your NAMA plan is not, I believe, in conformity with those requirements.

The Commission has disclosed elements of its dealings with you (and others) on its website.

1. On 25th February 2009 the Commission issued guidelines to States on handling impaired assets of banks. http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=IP/09/322&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en

The guidelines of 25th February 2009 provide for “full transparency and disclosure of impairments, [which] has to be done prior to government intervention”. And again, require “… full ex ante transparency and disclosure of impairments and an upfront assessment of eligible banks”

To date, here in Ireland, this has not happened. Nevertheless the Government’s aid has already commenced. The mere declaration of an intention to grant aid, is aid, and the publication of the National Asset Management Agency Bill is aid par excellence.

The guidelines also confirm that “In general, any transfer of assets covered by a scheme at a valuation in excess of the market price will constitute State aid” [and, is therefore, illegal in principle].

A number of points arise from the foregoing;

1. The Commission does not appear to mandate values based on “real economic value”.

2. Additionally, the Commission emphasizes that “In general, all schemes must ensure that the beneficiary banks bear the losses incurred in the transfer of assets”.

3. The guidelines provide for review by the Commission of asset relief schemes [particularly the “valuation process”].

I need hardly point out to you that these issues are surely relevant to the Lisbon Treaty debate.

I urge you to seek Commission guidance on the Government’s NAMA scheme.

Perhaps you would emphasize to the Commission that;

a) the bad assets of the Irish banks are not “complex”(being, principally, land and buildings);

b) The Irish High Court has established a discount on the value of such assets of 50% (relative to the recent past) in Collins & Anor v Duffy & Anor [2009] IEHC http://www.bailii.org/ie/cases/IEHC/2009/H290.html

Yours Faithfully,

____________________
Edward McGarr
McGarr Solicitors